Search results
home Home navigate_next Search results

Search results

Abstract

This study aims to examine the variation in individuals’ approval of their national leaders during national crises. Previous studies indicate that international crises tend to increase citizens’ approval of governments and political incumbents. Such a sudden spike in public approval during times of crisis reflects the “rally-round-the-flag” effect. However, since the global outbreak of the COVID-19 pandemic in early 2020, existing research on the rally effect has shown mixed results. While most studies have focused on singlecountry surveys, few utilize cross-national survey data. To fill the gap in the literature, this study uses cross-national panel survey data and adopts multilevel models to test hypotheses about rally effects in the COVID-19 crisis. The findings of this study are threefold. Firstly, individuals with a heightened fear of the pandemic were more likely to support their national leaders. Secondly, in countries with higher COVID-19 death tolls, citizens tended to exhibit greater support for their national leaders. Thirdly, in countries with more stringent policies to cope with the pandemic, citizens demonstrated higher levels of support for their national leaders. Overall, this study facilitates a better understanding of the rally-round-the-flag effect, and it also provides important policy implications for political behavior in times of crisis.

Abstract

As democracy backsliding has come to the fore in recent years, authoritarian nostalgia has also stood out as an emerging topic in democratization studies. Since nostalgia is inherently an emotion, this study differs from the existing literature that treated authoritarian nostalgia merely as a political attitude. Instead, we reinterpret authoritarian nostalgia by regarding the fundamentals of nostalgia in psychology, emphasizing three qualities of authoritarian nostalgia, which are “idealized,” “time-unrestrictive,” and “constructive.” In addition, we select two sets of national telephone surveys in 2015 and 2023 to conduct empirical analysis. First, we find that the Taiwanese public shows greater authoritarian nostalgia in social stability and economic performance than in the aspect of political and human rights. Second, the results reveal that age, political efficacy, and party identification exert an influence on authoritarian nostalgia; older people and those with low political efficacy display a tendency towards such nostalgia.
Moreover, Pan-Blue supporters are more likely to feel authoritarian nostalgia under a Democratic Progressive Party (DPP) government, while Pan-Green supporters, by contrast, believe that the present ruling government usually outperforms its past and authoritarian counterpart, accentuating the importance of party politics in Taiwanese authoritarian nostalgia. Finally, we propose an innovative survey questionnaire to tap the concept of authoritarian nostalgia, hoping to pave the way for further research in this field.

Abstract

In the case of some transitions from authoritarianism to democracy, it is prevalent to have the sentiment of nostalgia for the stable and orderly times of the past regime, particularly in the context of nascent democracies. This pilot study sheds some light on the issue by examining the public evaluations of government performance between the Chiang Ching-kuo administration and the present government in Taiwan. I take advantage of the ”2003 Taiwan's Election and Democratization Study” (TEDS 2003) survey date, using the technique of factor analysis to classify government-performance evaluations into two factors, ”liberty and democracy” and ”stabilization and income equality,” and then employing regression models to test the relationship between sociopolitical variables and the two factors. The findings confirm the research hypothesis of authoritarian nostalgia that the public perceptions of the Chiang Ching-kuo administration and the present government differ in terms of the political perspective and the socioeconomic standpoint. On one hand, the general public has perceived the achievement of ”liberty and democracy” since the democratic transition, and on the other has looked back with nostalgia to the impressions of ”stabilization and income equality” during the authoritarian period. The findings also reveal that the variables of educational attainment, political knowledge, Taiwanese consciousness, Taiwan independence preference, and the pan-green identification exert positive effects on ”liberty and democracy,” while the variables of mainlander ethnicity, Chinese consciousness, China reunification preference, and the pan-blue identification account for significant variance in ”stabilization and income equality.” This study concludes that authoritarian nostalgia is still potential for future research in this field of democratization.

Abstract

This paper analyzes the extent to which performances of the central governments could shape Legislative Yuan by-election outcomes. Based on the retrospective voting theory and referendum voting theory, this research used the survey data of Taiwan's Elections and Democratization Studies (TEDS) to explore whether one's assessments of the central government's performances affect his/her choice in by-elections. There are some findings from this research: first, the result showed Miaoli's first district voters have differing voting behavior compared to voters in Taipei City's sixth district and Yunlin's second district. The assessment on central government performance has no significant influence on Miaoli's voters voting behavior; second, for the voters in Taipei City sixth district and Yunlin second district, the assessment of the central government performance have mixed effects due to the election context. As a result, we may conclude that the by-elections in Taipei City sixth district and Yunlin second district can be regarded as referenda on the central government, but the by-election in Miaoli's first district was different from the others.

Abstract

Issue position is undoubtedly an important factor in accounting for individuals’ political attitudes and behaviors from the approach of rational choice. But the possibility that the perception of issue salience plays a moderating variable has been neglected in the literature. It is hypothesized in this study that people are more likely to be aware of their and the parties’ positions on a particular issue when they consider the issue important. Meanwhile, people tend to exaggerate the distance between major parties’ positions on such an issue. People’s perception of issue salience, therefore, shapes their political attitudes.
Survey data are used in this study to analyze people’s perception of salience regarding “unification-independent “and “nuclear power” in order to examine their hypothesized role of moderating variables shaping people’s evaluation of government performance. It is found that the results of data analysis support the above hypotheses. However, such results depend on the nature of the issues. If people hold rigid attitudes toward an issue over the long term, its moderating effects on shaping people’s political attitudes are reduced.