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Abstract

The bitter rivalries that used to occur only among political elites have now reached the everyday lives of the mass public. In particular, the results of presidential elections have been driven as much by affective conflict between partisans as by policy debates. The present study explores affective polarization in Taiwan through negative partisanship. Data from presidential elections between 2004 and 2020 provide evidence for the effect of negative partisanship on election results. The study found that starting in 2012, there has been a rapid increase in negative views among partisans in both main parties toward the opposing party. In the 2020 presidential election, more than 40% of both Kuomintang (KMT) and Democratic Progressive Party (DPP) supporters showed negative partisanship towards the opposing party. Furthermore, supporters of both parties had the lowest ever favorability scores for the opposing party. Even when traditional party identification and support for independence or reunification are controlled, negative partisanship still has significant explanatory power. The decision to vote for a candidate from a particular party in presidential elections depends not only on one’s long-term identification with that party but also on whether one harbors a strong negative opinion towards the opposing party.

Abstract

During the last 50 years. as election polls in the U. S. and in most other countries have proliferated. there has been an ongoing controversy over their electoral effects. Their perceived influence on election outcomes has been sufficient to lead to calls for legislation restricting the publishing of opinion polls during a campaign, restrictions that already exist in countries as diverse as Germany. Japan, France, South Korea. and Brazil (McAllister and Studlar 1991; Mutz. 1992) . These restrictions suggest that pre-election polls have some effects on election outcomes, or at least that some people suspect some effects and think the results could. more or less, hurt the fairness of an election. Counter arguments conclude that perception of public opinion has little impact on vote preference (Asher 1992, Marsh. 1983; Merkle 1991 ) . Many believe that traditional factors such as affect. candidates, issue. party. etc ., are the factors that determine vote preference rather than the perceptions of public preference ( Niemi and Weishberg, 1993 ) . Despite these arguments. evidence from surveys and experimental studies remains inconclusive. One of the earliest discussions of polls' effect on voting. by Lazarsfeld. Berelson. and Gaudet (1948) , found many voters attempting to sense the direction of public opinion and the outcome in order to vote "with the winner. " Follow-up work (Berelson. Lazarsfeld, and McPhee. 1954) revealed that a bandwagon effect (perception guiding preference) and a projection explanation (preference guiding perception) carried about equal weight in presidential election voting. Some laboratory studies of artificial elections coupled with bogus poll results produced an "underdog" effect of people shifting to the minority rather than majority view (Ceci. 1982, Fletias, 1971 ) . Evidence from the 1988 NES Super Tuesday Study showed that some voters vote for their second (or even lower) choice rather than their most preferred candidate in order to stop another candidate they like even less (Abramson et. ai, 1992 ) .

Abstract

Split ticket voting by New Party identifiers and Mainlanders had acrucial influence on the outcome of the 1998 Taipei City mayoral election.Large numbers of voters who identified themselves as New Party supportersvoted for the KMT mayoral candidate.However,in the concurrentCity Council elections,they voted for New Party candidates.This surprisingresult is worth researching.To analyze split ticket voting behavior,we consider six different logitmodels.After controlling basic demographic variables,including sex,age,education,and ethnic background,it is possible to discover what influencessplit ticket voting.First,weakening party identification can inducea dealignment process.This,in turn,gives rise to split ticketvoting.In the data,the intensity of party identification has an obvious effecton split ticket voting.However,there has been no dealignment.Thus,weakening party identification is not the main reason for split ticketvoting.The second factor is ethnic background.Mainlanders,especiallyyoung and middle aged voters,are more likely to split their tickets.Third,the related questions of unification or independence and Taiwaneseor Chinese identification also have influence.The effect of theunification/independence position is not significant,but therespondents' ethnic identity is.A fourth finding is that there is no significantcoattail effect influencing split ticket voting.Fifth,many voterswish to balance the parties against each other,and so they split theirvotes.Sixth,strategic voting by New Party supporters was very important.New Party supporters were very opposed to Chen Shui-bian,andthe New Party nominee did not have much chance of winning.As aresult,many split their votes,voting strategically for the KMT mayoralcandidate.After examining the six models,we find that the most important factorsinfluencing split ticket voting are ethnic background and strategicvoting by New Party supporters.These two factors are intimately connected,of course.

Abstract

This paper examines how major newspapers reported the campaign and candidates during the 2004 Presidential election in Taiwan. This study is based on a content analysis of presidential stories of four largest newspapers-the China Times, the United Daily News, the Liberty Times, and the Apple Daily. Results of this study showed that the Liberty Times was far more likely than the other three newspapers to give greater coverage to the ruling party candidates, to use pan blue officials as news sources, and to offer more news coverage favorable to the ruling party candidates than to other candidates.

Abstract

Political blocs analysis was created with the stated objectives of generating information regarding the political nature of spatial aggregation. Following this tradition, this paper is aimed to investigate the effect of region, ethnic groups and electoral system on the Democratic Progressive Party's (DPP) votes by using quantile regression model. The most important attribute of quantile regression models is that they not only allow to explore the overall significance of the independent (or explanatory) variables for the conditional distribution of the dependent (or response) variables, but at the same time make it possible to determine the varying influence that independent variables have on the dependent variables under distinct conditional distribution scenarios. We reach one conclusion that the DPP is a party whose political fortunate is very much determined by ethnic and regional characteristics.

Abstract

Based on the analysis of survey data collected on the eve of Taiwan's 2008 presidential election, our study seeks to clarify the effects of the following factors on the island citizens' voting behavior: (1)Taiwanese identity, (2)expected benefits from cross-Strait economic exchanges, and (3)the perceived likelihood of China's use of military force. The findings show that, in addition to party identification, both Taiwanese identity and expected economic benefits have important effects on the islanders' vote choices. Unexpectedly, China's military threats played an insignificant role in voters' decisions. Because Taiwanese identity and expected economic benefits are at the center of the political discourse on cross-Strait relations, future interactions between Taiwan and China will continue to play a significant role in the island's politics.

Abstract

Prediction Markets have been widely used abroad to forecast election results for many years. It has also been proved that such a mechanism can accurately predict election outcomes. Therefore, this paper would like to understand whether prediction markets can accurately predict Taiwan's election outcomes. First, this paper introduces the mechanism of prediction markets and then applies the prediction market mechanism to predict Taiwan's elections. According to the data provided by the Exchange for Future Events, we find that the prediction markets mechanism has accurately predicted the outcomes of Taiwan's Taipei and Kaohsiung mayoral elections in 2006, and Taiwan's presidential election and legislator election in 2008. For these three elections, the predictive accuracy of prediction markets is higher than (unweighted) opinion poll surveys conducted during the same period. This paper then discusses the differences between prediction market and opinion survey.

Abstract

This study examines how Taiwan Television Enterprise reported the campaign and candidates during the 1996, 2000, 2004, and 2008 presidential elections in Taiwan. A content analysis of evening election news of the television company indicated that there were significant quantity bias, source bias, and presentation bias in its coverage of the first three presidential election campaigns. However, the television company was more balanced in its coverage of the 2008 presidential campaign. An in-depth interview of 10 reporters of the television company indicated that ownership structure has direct or indirect influence on election coverage of the television company. The change of ownership of the television company in 2007 has contributed to the achievement of more balanced media coverage in the 2008 presidential election.

Abstract

This article examines across-strait trade openness and vote choices in the 2008 and 2012 presidential elections. We first demonstrate two trends about economic assessments in the 2008 and 2012 elections. First, more and more people consider the economic effect of economic openness as neutral. Next, respondents decouple their assessments in the aggregate level and family level. While a substantial percentage of voters still think that economic openness has been bringing about economic prosperity for Taiwan, it has not done so at the family level. As to the effect of economic assessment, we find that the traditional economic voting battery does not exert comparable effect on voting as economic openness. Next, the socio-tropic assessment of economic openness is relatively more important than the pocket-book assessment. More importantly, we demonstrate how political identities, party identification and unification-independence choice, shape the influence of economic assessment on voting decisions. In general, economic assessments exert greater effects on pan-blue and pro-unification voters, while exert smaller effects on pan-green and pro-independence voters. This pattern is mainly associated with the extent that incoming messages are congruent with voters' existing beliefs.

Abstract

News and many public comments indicate that the "92 consensus" was the crucial issue to affect the result of Taiwan 2012 presidential election. This paper aims to study the effect of the 92 consensus on voters' choices in 2012. This paper reviews the core assumptions, boundary of application and analytical methods of the "issue voting" theory. Moreover, it focus on studying the impacts of the 92 consensus that are presumed to be endogenously correlated with party identification. Based on the approach of "studying the effects of a cause", as well as using the "2012 Taiwan's Election and Democratization Study" dataset (TEDS2012-T and TEDS2012), this paper applies "propensity score matching" (PSM) method to investigate the issue effect of the "92 consensus" on voting choices during 2012 election. The results from the data analysis demonstrate that positions supportive of the "92 consensus" account for about twenty percent of supporting rates to pro-Ma voters in the period of the electoral campaign; meanwhile, positions oppositional to the "92 consensus" would contribute about thirteen percent of supporting rates for pro-Tsai voters. After the election the influential probability of the "92 consensus" was dramatically downsized to ten percent of supporting rates to pro-Ma voters; however, the percentage for pro-Tsai voters was slightly reduced to twelve percent. These findings provide more valid and credible estimates toward the influential probability of the "92 consensus" issue during the 2012 elections. Moreover, the statistical findings over various time-points also verify the successful transformation of the "92 consensus" to be identified as a salient issue across pro-Ma and pro-Tsai voters. It indeed achieved substantial influences toward the processes and result of 2012 presidential election.

Abstract

The advancement of information and communication technologies has greatly changed the lifestyle of people while using landline surveys in soliciting precise public opinion is becoming limited. As people use a variety of devices such as cellphones, internet phones and APPs in daily communication, problems of insufficient population coverage arise from relying only on landline phones to reach respondents. Therefore, a daunting task in the telephone polling industry is to ensure sample representation for obtaining precise population parameters. To achieve such an objective, a common practice by pollsters in Taiwan is to use household data as
weighting statistics. Many cases, however, have shown this practice to be inappropriate.
To solve the above-mentioned problem, this study proposes an estimation method based on a dual frame survey that combines landline phones and cellphones. We further use data from the 2016 presidential election to compare different estimations based on a dual frame survey. Our results demonstrate that a “landline survey supplemented by cellphoneonly” is the best combination, considering sample coverage and estimation error. The second-best alternatives are “cellphone survey supplemented by landline-only” and “use both landline and cellphone.” In other words, “the most economical and efficient” strategy of a dual frame survey is to conduct a traditional landline survey and incorporating cellphone-only respondents. The data collected in such combination not only reflect the characteristics of the population, but also cost much less than other strategies.

Abstract

This study will examine how emotions might affect people’s choice of vote. I will employ the 2016 Taiwan’s Election and Democratization Study (TEDS 2016) to see how voters’ emotions toward major presidential candidates affect their vote choices. Previous research argues that some positive emotions, such as hope and pride, and some negative emotions, such as anxiety and fear, might play critical roles in shaping citizens’ opinions. For an open-seat presidential election, looking forward and reasoning back, voters employ hopeful and fearful emotions to make their voting decisions. As expected, voters with a fearful feeling toward Tsai Ing-wen are less likely to support her. We also find that those who are angry with Chu Li-luan tend not to vote for him. Emotions shed some light on our understanding of voting behavior in Taiwan.

Abstract

In recent years, the internet has become more and more important in elections. Since the internet has become a major source of information for voters whilst also providing a platform for people to discuss politics, it can be concluded that the internet has a major impact on voters’ decisions. Therefore, it has become important for more studies to be focused on this phenomenon. Due to the social nature of the internet with the fast-paced societal changes which it brings about, this study uses a sociological approach of voting behavior to understanding this phenomenon. However, this does not suggest that the internet and new social media are eclipsing the more traditional forms of social contexts. Instead, this study suggests that new social media and social contexts are indicative of new and interesting changes taking place.
This study concentrates on the 2016 presidential election and specifically looks at different contextual factors. These include social environment, interpersonal discussion, traditional media and social media. This research conducted both a telephone survey and a web survey. After controlling for party identification, we find that interpersonal discussion and TV news have significant effects on voter choice in the telephone survey. Social media only showed their impact in the web survey. Our research suggests that we cannot ignore social context factors.