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Abstract
This essay attempts first to re-conceptualize public's deep-seated am-bivalent feelings, thoughts and perceptions about the first Taiwanese President Lee as 'Lee Teng-hui complex' by refering the concept 'complex' back to analytical psychologist Carl Jung's original usage. Sec-ond, in the our empirical analysis Lee Teng-hui complex is then operationalized and measured as individual's positive-negative affect responses that taken to be off the top of the head while confronting in-formation related to President Lee. As shown in our multivariate analy-sis of electoral survey data, individual's ethnicity, education, and parti-sanship are significant predictors of Lee Teng-hui complex. Moreover, same as that of Taiwanese vs. mainlanders, KMT and NP identifiers are also found polarized in the measure of Lee Teng-hui complex. Among direct determinants of individual's partisan vote-choices, Lee Teng-hui complex is found only marginally significant, however, it is a major intervening variable in shaping individual's evaluation of candidates, issues and parties that lead to the final vote-choice making in both the 1994 Taiwan's Gubernatorial and Taipei Mayoral elections. This essay concludes that individual's ambivalent affect toward President Lee, com-monly termed 'Lee Teng-hui complex' in public discourse, has indeed served as the catalyst for the forming of the splinter New Party on the one hand, and it has only hollo-effect functioning as indirect factor in shaping individual's partisan vote-choices on the other.
Abstract
This paper examines the importance of candidate images and candidate's ability in dealing with national issues in presidential elections of 1996 by using survey research data of Election Study Center at National Chengchi University. The results indicated that the incumbent President Lee Teng-hui was ranked the highest among four presidential candidates in terms of voters assessment of candidate personal qualities and candidate's ability to deal with national problems. Lee Teng-hui complex was the most important factor in determining voter's evaluation of candidates' personal qualities and ability in dealing with national issues, except for Peng Ming-min. But Lee Teng-hui complex has no direct influence on vote-choice, it only translated indirect influence through candidate images. Candidate images turned out to be the most important factor in deciding presidential election result. Attitude toward parties and party preferences ranked the next, except Chen Li-an, who was an indepen-dent candidate with no party support.
Abstract
This paper wants to know who is Lee's votary and examines the importance of candidate image, party identity, candidate's ability in the presidential election of 1996.The result indicated that Lee's main votaries are older, low school record and live in rural. Furthermore, candidate image turned out to be the most import ant factor in determining vote-choice. Party identity and candidate's ability ranked the next. In the Logit Model, Category of candidate images inclined to Lee Teng-hui and candidate images inclined to Lin Yang-kang had the most prominent contribution. Category of party identity trend to KMT and party identity trend to NP ranked the next. The result accord with social fact that voters of NP have strong anti-Lee complex, otherwise some DPP's followers have Lee Teng-hui complex.
Abstract
This paper examines the nature and its correlated characteris-tics of what has been popularly termed "Lee Teng-hui complex" in Taiwan's political discourse in the 1990s by an analysis of available post-electoral survey data sets collected between 1994 and 1996. As measured by a set political affect toward President Lee Teng-hui, our findings show that Lee Teng-hui complex is a kind of stable mass political psyche mainly reflecting a pride of being Taiwanese as well as Chinese. Moreover, Lee Teng-hui complex is ascer-tained to be a syndrome as it is found to have significant and posi-tive correlation with two sets of polarized and negatively related po-litical attitudes that taping so-called "Taiwan mind" and "China con-cerns" respectively at the same time. A conjecture in electoral campaign that ascribes Taiwanese' s Lee Teng-hui complex as a psy-chological foundation in supporting Taiwan independence is there-fore empirically ungrounded with the available data, given that Lee Teng-hui is the first and foremost Taiwanese President. Thirdly, ethnicity, Taiwanese pride, China concerns are all found to be sig-nificant predictors of Lee Teng-hui complex, and the causal effects are held consistent against different data sets in point. Finally, with multinomial logit analysis, Lee Teng-hui complex is found as a consistent and significant psychological factor, along with party i-dentification, in directing voter's final vote-choice in recent elec-tions, especially in the presidential election held in 1995 in which in-cumbent President Lee Teng-hui involved.
Abstract
“Taiwan vs. China” complex has been taken as the major factor that draws partisan line between parties along the “Taiwan-independence and China-unification” stance on the one hand and influences vote-choice among Taiwanese and Mainlanders on the other. Yet, this linkage has not been explored empirically as far. According to symbolic politics theory, Taiwanese vote-choices are influenced more by political affect than self-interest. The paper argues that those political affect components, as shown either in determining individual’s vote-choices or in party’s strategy of electoral mobilization, can be effectively channeled down to this “Taiwan vs. China” complex. The paper recasts this culturally deep-seated concept by looking at its derivative psycho-political orientations, so-called “Taiwan vs. China” concern, which is measured by a cluster of affective-driven beliefs in Taiwan’s supremacy and/or concerns for China. Based on an analysis of post-electoral survey data of the 1998 and 2001 legislative elections, two-factor structure is found in the “Taiwan vs. China” concerns, and this polarized affect orientation serves as a link to relate socio-demographic characteristics to ethnic identification, national identity, party identification, independence-unification stance as well as to partisan vote-choice. Symbolic politics in Taiwan’s election is thus confirmed by individual’s affect-driven vote-choices. In sum, the paper concludes that the empirical import of “Taiwan-China complex” concept can be identified as two groups of political affect components around “Taiwan vs. China” concerns in a two second-order factor analysis.
