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Abstract
A study of strategies of newspaper advertising operated by three main political parties, Komingtang(KMT) , Democratic Pro-gressive Party(DPP) and Chinese New Party(CNP), in the 1995 leg-islators election of Taiwan was conducted, in which message perfor-mances including themes, visual factors and copy writing skill as well as media strategies, scheduling and vehicle selecting, were ex-amined. The study found that ── The main content of KMT's advertisments was the negatives. KMT tried to attack the other parties by advertising, but the visual and copy writing skill were poor. KMT also failed to present selling propositions in advertisements. In vehicle selecting, KMT used many kinds of newspapers to carry advertisements, but the newspa-pers of United Daily Group were excluded. In scheduling strategy, KMT launched all of the advertisements in the period of eleven days before the day of voting. The focus of DPP's advertising was the rebuilding of image, from sadness to happiness. With excellent visualization , yet the copy didn't stress a major idea clearly and didn't emphasize the voter's ultimate benefit──the needs of safety. DPP took a tactics of steady media scheduling and it limited on the vehicle selecting, in which no government-owned and KMT-owned newspapers were used. The tactics of CNP's advertising are image building and attack-ing opposers, KMT and DPP. Only the newspapers of United Daily Group and China Times Group were used to put out advertisements. Among these newspapers, CNP prefered the United Daily News and the United Evening News. It testified to the 'effect of context', namely a ideological matching between advertiser and media.
Abstract
In the past years, major political parties in Taiwan used the opinion survey method to nominate their candidates, attempting to abridge the gap between party preferences and public opinions. By doing this, they expected to nominate electable candidates. However, this move has been controversial, critics charging it with some flaws: 1) those who won in the poll did not necessarily electable in general elections; 2) only Taiwan' s political parties adopted the survey method; 3) the political parties lost the power over candidate selection; 4) it worsened the illegal practices of violence and vote-buying; 5) it favored incumbents and high-publicity aspirants; and, 6) some unsuccessful aspirants insisted on running as mavericks, thereby thwarting party cohesion. By analyzing the relevant data, I argue that these criticisms are unconvincing. The major purpose of the survey method lies in ensuring the legitimacy of nominees and in making unsuccessful aspirants no excuses to blame the failures on the party echelons. As for the technical problem on high proportions of ”no response,” I suggest that increasing valid sample sizes might be appropriate to improve the survey method.
Abstract
In November 2018, a nuclear-free homeland issue in Taiwan was rejected by voters in a nuclear referendum. A question thus arises: When voters are making a choice over a type of energy source, do they consider only the pros and cons of the issue, or do political emotions underlie their decision? Our study aims to answer this through a big-data analysis. Compared to 2016, we find that negative online comments concerning Tsai Ing-wen, the Democratic Progressive Party (DPP), and a nuclear-free homeland increased during 2018, basically matching various polls with a relatively small amplitude of variation. The inference of “when the public is more dissatisfied with Tsai and the DPP administration, they become more opposed to a nuclear-free homeland issue” supports this finding. One potential reason could, in part, be the influence of political emotions. Dissatisfaction toward Tsai and the DPP administration by the public appears to have extended to DPP-related issues such as the nuclearfree homeland issue. In terms of negative online comments, compared with the topic of Tsai, the topic of the DPP greatly influences the topic of a nuclear-free homeland and vice versa. In others words, negative online comments of a nuclear-free homeland are more likely to increase if negative online comments of the DPP increase.
