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Abstract

This explorative study employs a large-scale analysis of individual turnout data from the 2016 and 2020 presidential and legislative elections, alongside the 2018 local elections and referenda in Taiwan, to advance our understanding of Indigenous voting behaviour in three ways. Firstly, we challenge the conventional wisdom that Indigenous voters exhibit lower turnout rates compared to the non-Indigenous electorate. Secondly, we further compare turnout differences among Highland and Lowland voters. Lastly, we analyse turnout variations across different types of ballots: national and local elections and referendum
bills. Contrary to prevailing international and domestic norms, we provide strong empirical evidence that Indigenous voters are diverse and dynamic in their voting behaviours, and this diversity extends not only in comparison to the Han voters but also within the Indigenous population, interacting with the different types of elections.

Keywords

Indigenous people
voting behaviour
election
referendum
Taiwan politics

Abstract

Since the 1990s, many countries have adopted various quota systems to promote higher levels of women’s political representation. International research confirm that such quota systems have had a positive impact on increasing women’s political participation. In Taiwan, studies on women’s political participation also shown that reserved seats for women have significantly boosted their involvement in politics. However, few existing studies have specifically focused on the political participation of indigenous women. The election results from 2002 to 2018 indicate a growing number of indigenous women running for and being elected to office. But what factors explain this increase in political participation? Is it the reserved seats for women system, political dynamics, or the background characteristics of the candidates that play the key role in encouraging indigenous women's involvement in politics? This paper analyzes data from local councilor elections between 2002 and 2018 and finds that most female candidates have prior experience in community involvement or political-related activities. Additionally, KMT nomination or recommendation, as well as incumbent status, significantly contribute to the election chances and vote share of indigenous female candidates. This paper analyzes the data of local councilor elections from 2002 to 2018, and finds that most of the female candidates have experience in community involvement or political-related experiences. KMT nomination or recommendation, as well as incumbent status, contribute to the election chances and vote share of indigenous female candidates, which aligns with existing research on women councilors at the national and municipal levels. The impact of the reserved seats for women system is reflected in its role in motivating participation. In line with previous findings on ethnic voting patterns, a candidate’s ethnicity is also significantly associated with their election chances and vote share, with Amis, Paiwan, and Atayal ethnic background positively influencing electoral performance. Lastly, female characteristics and breaking gender stereotypes through effective political performance help improve the election outcomes for indigenous female candidates.

Keywords

Women’s Candidacy
Indigenous People
Councilor elections

Abstract

This research focuses on representative orientations and representative behaviors of Taiwan's indigenous legislators. By analyzing the contents of their proposed bills (1993-2008), the researcher would like to answer the following questions. Do these indigenous legislators represent their respective constituencies? Or they speak for the all Taiwan's indigenous peoples or just for their own people. If the indigenous legislators do not represent their respective constituencies, the next question is how to demarcate the existing indigenous district system to make the indigenous district system more reasonable and fit indigenous people's need. Furthermore, this research also would like to discuss the relationship between indigenous representative orientations and indigenous representative behaviors. Moreover, the research want to answer what the crucial factors to affect indigenous legislators' representative behaviors are. The research findings are as following: 1. Affected by electoral competition, the indigenous legislators tend to respond to ”electorate's interest”. However, to these indigenous legislators, the referred ”electorate” is not confined to the voters registered in their respective constituency but all indigenous voters. In other words, Taiwan's indigenous legislators regard themselves as the representative of the all indigenous peoples. 2. The establishment of Council of Indigenous Peoples and the tramformation of Indigenous Social Movement are two crucial factors to affect indigenous legislators' representative behaviors. 3. The numbers and contents of the bills proposed by indigenous legislators are highly affected by the political parties and the constituencies they belong to. Mountain indigenous legislators are more active than Plain-land indigenous legislators and indigenous legislators elected from proportional representation system. Furthermore, the legislators of Non-Partisan Solidarity Union are more active than other political parties'. 4. 93.3% of the bills are proposed by 10 indigenous legislators, which emphasized on indigenous education, economic development in indigenous area, autonomy of indigenous peoples, reserved land ownership and natural resource management, and compensation.

Keywords

indigenous people
legislators
representative orientation
representative behavior

Abstract

This research analyzes the aggregate data of indigenous legislative election results (1992-2008) to figure out the indigenous vote distribution and to discuss the reasons to cause the electoral stability and change by using the cross-level inference method. The research findings show that the KMT does not enjoy a stable support from Taiwan's indigenous electorate. A certain part of the KMTs electoral support is based on local politicians' personal votes. Once the alliance between the KMT and local politicians is broken, the KMT's electoral support will be immediately shrunk. In other words, political students who study Taiwan's aboriginal electoral politics should regard not only political parties but also local politicians as research units. In fact, in order to have profound understandings about aboriginal electoral politics, this research suggests a new perspective, by using local politician's personal votes as a breakthrough point, to do the researches.

Keywords

indigenous people
personal vote
legislative elections
cross-level inference

Abstract

This study offers a novel empirical account of the representative behavior of the indigenous legislators in the 2002 to 2012 Legislative Yuan. Based on behavioral data, the analysis seeks first to know whether the lack of descriptive representation leads to the harm of substantive representation or not, and then second to illustrate the change and continuity of the issues which indigenous legislators pay attention to. The research findings indicates that although dedicated indigenous seats are always occupied by Amis, Atayal, and Paiwan, the interests of other indigenous peoples do not be harmed. In other words, the current electoral system does not guarantee descriptive representation of all indigenous peoples but provide a substantive representation to them. Basically, the elected indigenous legislators regard themselves as representatives of all indigenous peoples. Furthermore, although the issues concerned by indigenous legislators may be influenced by constituency and party affiliation, they are still highly related to indigenous interests. Indigenous legislators in Taiwan do response to the needs of the represented.

Keywords

indigenous people
descriptive representation
substantive representation
representative behavior

Abstract

There is a lack of indigenous object research inside the nation, and the research is usually attached to national sample as one of the small sample analysis. The main reason is that with only about 2% of the country's total population, indigenous population is rather few in Taiwan. Besides, uneven geographic distribution and the factor that a considerable number of workplace/residence and domicile difference due to livelihood are other reasons which cause difficulty to traditional method of investigation. Both face-to-face interview or telephone interview have handicap on sampling. However, public opinion polls had become more universal in recent years. Academic and private investigation agency all has accumulated a large number of successful phone survey samples, which contained numerous Han samples and certain proportion of indigenous samples. If there is a possibility to get these samples which were ＂not originally using indigenous population as statistic population, but contain successful indigenous samples,＂ and apply data mining technology to dig the ＂valuable mineral＂ out from a large amount of ＂useless＂ information, then it will be probable to directly filter out the indigenous samples that were needed, and solve the problems mentioned above in the context of saving cost. In this view, the research team and Taiwan Real Survey Co. had cooperated and merged the successful indigenous population phone interview samples, which are from national samplings that were executed by the company since 2007 so far (March 2013), as indigenous telephone database. Preliminary research result shows, by using telephone interview sample database that was consolidated by data mining and double sampling, the characteristics of successful samples which got from the telephone interview are similar to the indigenous statistic population in the official population statistics. Other than that, including multi-year indigenous population phone data could enhance the collection range of the indigenous telephone database, and reduces the cost of sample acquisition.

Keywords

poll
double sampling
telephone interview
indigenous people