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Abstract
This paper examines the major parties' vote-equalizing strate-gies and the impacts of these strategies on candidates' vote-distribu-tion under a SNTV electoral system. From this perspective, this study tries to observe party competition and party politics in Taiwan since the 1980s. Based on a study on legislative elections from 1983 to 1995, this paper shows some research findings. First, the KMT uses the local factions and "responsibility zone system" to mobilize and allocate potential votes to her candidates. Therefore, the vote-distribution of the KMT candidates tends to be concentrated on some parts of the electoral district. On the other hand, the DPP and NP cannot be helped by the local organizations so that the vote shares of their candidates tend to be scattered across the district. Secondly, from a longitudinal perspective, the vote shares of the KMT candidates are getting scattered. This tendency has become evident since the end of the 1980s, when the opposition parties were gradually organized and institutionalized. Thirdly, the influence of the local factions has gradually become weak because of the devel-opment of social economy and the emergence of the opposition par-ties. All of these tendencies show that the KMT's campaign system which depends on vote allocation, local factions and grass-root organizations has become shaky.
Abstract
In this paper, we employ longitudinal data to explore the change and continuity of political trust among the electorate in Taiwan. After the 2000 presidential election, whether the distribution of political trust will follow the rotation of ruling power is our research interest. We also would like to explore which factors affect people's political trust, and how political trust might affect people's voting behavior. By employing 1992, 1995, 1998, and 2001 face-to face interviews after legislative elections, we are able to explore the change and continuity of people's political trust in Taiwan. From our findings, we showed that the distribution of people's political trust declined during 1992 and 1998. However, as the 2001 survey data showed, people's political trust rebounded after the 2000 presidential election. Among factors affected people's political trust, people's partisan preference toward the KMT, voters among the first generation, people with elementary school education were more likely to have higher level of political trust between 1992 and 1998. However, people with the DPP or the NP partisan preference were more likely to have lower level of political trust. After the 2000 presidential election, people with the DPP partisan preference changed their level of political trust, and became more likely to trust the ruling authorities. We also demonstrated that people with higher level of political trust were more likely to support the ruling party in the legislative elections.
Abstract
This research analyzes the aggregate data of indigenous legislative election results (1992-2008) to figure out the indigenous vote distribution and to discuss the reasons to cause the electoral stability and change by using the cross-level inference method. The research findings show that the KMT does not enjoy a stable support from Taiwan's indigenous electorate. A certain part of the KMTs electoral support is based on local politicians' personal votes. Once the alliance between the KMT and local politicians is broken, the KMT's electoral support will be immediately shrunk. In other words, political students who study Taiwan's aboriginal electoral politics should regard not only political parties but also local politicians as research units. In fact, in order to have profound understandings about aboriginal electoral politics, this research suggests a new perspective, by using local politician's personal votes as a breakthrough point, to do the researches.
Abstract
The design of the electoral system includes seats, voting, and electoral districts. From the Seventh Legislative Yuan, the single electoral district and the two-vote system have been adopted. According to Article 35 of the “Civil Servants Election and Recall Act,” seat distribution in the Legislative Yuan is reconsidered every 10 years to account for changes in the population. In 2020, the number of lawmakers’ seats increased from 1 to 2 in Hsinchu County. This study employs a literature review to explore the voting system and legislative redistricting, as well as voting-behavior theory to discuss the issue of redrawing electoral districts in Hsinchu County. The findings include: (1) The legislators’ electoral districts of Hsinchu County are divided into a “Minnan-Hakka mixed constituency” and a “Hakka constituency”. Learning from Miaoli’s experience, Hsinchu may have one Minnan lawmaker and one Hakka lawmaker. (2) In order to win the 2020 legislative election, the Democratic Progressive Party (DPP) is employing a new campaign strategy, namely, the “dual identity of political parties and ethnic groups” model, via nominating Hakka candidates in Hsinchu and Miaoli.
