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Abstract

A survey is designed to explore the participants’ opinions, attitudes and actions towards certain topics. The amount of information possessed by participants is not the only factor that influences their willingness to participate; question types and options design also influence participants’ responses. In reality, given cost constraints and questionnaire length, it is not feasible to provide a multiple survey design for a single concept, or to verify participants' response mode under different survey designs. This study used an experimental design to measure political knowledge from Taiwan’s Election and Democratization Study (TEDS) as an example, based on (1) an “open-ended vs. close-ended” question design; (2) whether it provides “non-response” as an option, to design four different types of surveys. The study uses a posttest-only control group design with university students as participants. We randomly released the questionnaires to participants and had 1,110 valid questionnaires.
The study found that question type and non-response design affects the participant response mode; a close-ended questionnaire design does increase the correct response ratio from participants, but it also produces a higher proportion of incorrect answers than an open-ended questionnaire. An openended questionnaire design does not have options as reference, and so it could lower the willingness of participants to take part in the survey, and it therefore resulted in a higher non-response ratio. From the composite design of question type and non-response option, we were able to precisely estimate types of participants as in Mondak (1999), but the combinations of different types of participants vary significantly as results from the level of difficulties in a questionnaire designed to measure political knowledge.

Abstract

This paper attempts to re-conceptualize party identification in Taiwan's multiparty system and to measure it empirically with the 1995 national legislative election survey data provided by the Election Study Center, National Chengchi University. The traditional uni-dimensional measurement of identification on the KMT and the DPP came across a hurdle when the New Party was formed in 1993. The replacing measure-ment of three categories, together with three levels of strength for each category, presents as an alternative solution to the problem. However, this measurement does not take into account the voters who identify political parties negatively, and it may be remedied by a new three-dimensional measurement. As detailed in this paper, the new measure-ment is able to find roughly 16 percent of negative party identifiders, and to more accurately locate different types of party identification in a multi-dimensional setting.

Abstract

Political scientists usually pay little attention to the understanding of measurement theories when they conduct a quantitative empirical analysis. This engenders many problems beyond their knowledge. While not every problem has a substantial impact on the research, it may fundamentally threaten the credibility and nullify the achievement once it happens. This article tries to argue the importance of proper understanding on some basic knowledge of measurement theories through a discussion of the principles and nuclear issues. Furthermore, a psychometric analysis of sixteenth different scales, based on five psychometric assumptions, is carried out for the unification-independence attitude. The result indicates each of the five assumptions is possibly influential to the regression analysis, even if the simple correlation of the two scales is as high as 0.995. This finding leads to an important conclusion: political scientists should have a serious discussion about the assumptions of their measurement and evaluate the possible impact which may discredit the scientific value of their research.

Abstract

The major purpose of this article is to examine the measurement of party identification in the Taiwan's Election and Democratization Study (TEDS) from the perspectives of intransitivity and multidimensionality. Furthermore, an index of blue-green party difference is constructed to measure the voters' relative preference between the pan-blue camp and the pan-green camp in order to better account for their voting decision. It is found that the measurement of party identification in TEDS is successful with regard to the transitivity assumption. The fact that more than twenty percent of respondents share the highest score for the major parties indicates the presence of multidimensionality in this measurement. Last, it also empirically demonstrated that the index of blue-green party difference is a better measure because of its evident transitivity and its stronger statistical association with voting decision.

Abstract

Citizens' political knowledge has always been believed as an important dimension of the quality of democracy. A citizenry that possesses basic knowledge of political affairs is helpful for the development of democracy. Although many political scientists have theoretically explored the origins and determinants of political knowledge, as well as empirically developed a number of measurement techniques to gauge the level of citizens’ political knowledge and in turn analyze its relationship with other concepts, at present the evidence for the effectiveness of these techniques is still lacking. That is, from a methodological perspective, discussion about the reliability and validity of political knowledge measures is rare, let alone an analysis of whether the degree of difficulty of questionnaire items that were created by using a composite measurement method is sufficient in distinguishing citizens with different levels of political knowledge. In fact, whether in the end these composite measurement items should be considered as an index or a scale currently draws little scholarly interest. The study's objective is to examine the validity of political knowledge items found in the 2012 TEDS, and to verify whether or not the questions, in addition of possessing the form of an index, also fit the special structure of a Guttman scale. The study has obtained the following research findings. First, TEDS has seven questions that cover different aspects of political knowledge, but there seems to be too many measures focusing on political figures. Second, level of political knowledge is found to have a statistically significant and consistent relationship with individual background variables which founded in past research, thus indicating that the measurement validity is satisfactory. Third, although the seven questions’ degrees of difficulty are within the range (between 0.1 and 0.9) set by convention, there remains room for improvement in the difficulty levels between questions. Fourth, the survey questionnaire items measuring political knowledge fit the logical structure of a Guttman scale, and are cumulative in nature. Last, from standpoint of scale construction, items measuring political knowledge can be simplified further, although future surveys may also consider designing - and incorporating - questions of appropriate difficulty level that are related to the role of government, policy accomplishments, or political environment, thereby increasing the item discrimination power of the political knowledge scale.

Abstract

In this article, we focus on the measurement of Taiwanese attitudes on the independence-unification issue, and argue that, when analysts are not certain about how measurement errors influence the results of analysis, the best way is to take measurement errors into account in their analyses. Based on the methodology of generalized latent variable modeling, we treat Taiwanese attitudes on the independence-unification issue as unobserved, latent variables, which are measured by several manifest indicators, and evaluate the effect of these attitudes on party identification. Analyzing survey data from the Taiwan's Election and Democratization Study (TEDS) project conducted in 2013, we show that, first, Taiwanese attitudes on the independence-unification issue includes three types: principled supporters of independence, conditional supporters of independence, and conditional supporters of unification. Second, as shown in most of the studies on Taiwan politics, the stronger the voters prefer unification, the more likely they lean toward pan-blue parties, and vice versa.