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Abstract
This essay attempts first to re-conceptualize public's deep-seated am-bivalent feelings, thoughts and perceptions about the first Taiwanese President Lee as 'Lee Teng-hui complex' by refering the concept 'complex' back to analytical psychologist Carl Jung's original usage. Sec-ond, in the our empirical analysis Lee Teng-hui complex is then operationalized and measured as individual's positive-negative affect responses that taken to be off the top of the head while confronting in-formation related to President Lee. As shown in our multivariate analy-sis of electoral survey data, individual's ethnicity, education, and parti-sanship are significant predictors of Lee Teng-hui complex. Moreover, same as that of Taiwanese vs. mainlanders, KMT and NP identifiers are also found polarized in the measure of Lee Teng-hui complex. Among direct determinants of individual's partisan vote-choices, Lee Teng-hui complex is found only marginally significant, however, it is a major intervening variable in shaping individual's evaluation of candidates, issues and parties that lead to the final vote-choice making in both the 1994 Taiwan's Gubernatorial and Taipei Mayoral elections. This essay concludes that individual's ambivalent affect toward President Lee, com-monly termed 'Lee Teng-hui complex' in public discourse, has indeed served as the catalyst for the forming of the splinter New Party on the one hand, and it has only hollo-effect functioning as indirect factor in shaping individual's partisan vote-choices on the other.
Abstract
This paper attempts to re-conceptualize party identification in Taiwan's multiparty system and to measure it empirically with the 1995 national legislative election survey data provided by the Election Study Center, National Chengchi University. The traditional uni-dimensional measurement of identification on the KMT and the DPP came across a hurdle when the New Party was formed in 1993. The replacing measure-ment of three categories, together with three levels of strength for each category, presents as an alternative solution to the problem. However, this measurement does not take into account the voters who identify political parties negatively, and it may be remedied by a new three-dimensional measurement. As detailed in this paper, the new measure-ment is able to find roughly 16 percent of negative party identifiders, and to more accurately locate different types of party identification in a multi-dimensional setting.
Abstract
A study of strategies of newspaper advertising operated by three main political parties, Komingtang(KMT) , Democratic Pro-gressive Party(DPP) and Chinese New Party(CNP), in the 1995 leg-islators election of Taiwan was conducted, in which message perfor-mances including themes, visual factors and copy writing skill as well as media strategies, scheduling and vehicle selecting, were ex-amined. The study found that ── The main content of KMT's advertisments was the negatives. KMT tried to attack the other parties by advertising, but the visual and copy writing skill were poor. KMT also failed to present selling propositions in advertisements. In vehicle selecting, KMT used many kinds of newspapers to carry advertisements, but the newspa-pers of United Daily Group were excluded. In scheduling strategy, KMT launched all of the advertisements in the period of eleven days before the day of voting. The focus of DPP's advertising was the rebuilding of image, from sadness to happiness. With excellent visualization , yet the copy didn't stress a major idea clearly and didn't emphasize the voter's ultimate benefit──the needs of safety. DPP took a tactics of steady media scheduling and it limited on the vehicle selecting, in which no government-owned and KMT-owned newspapers were used. The tactics of CNP's advertising are image building and attack-ing opposers, KMT and DPP. Only the newspapers of United Daily Group and China Times Group were used to put out advertisements. Among these newspapers, CNP prefered the United Daily News and the United Evening News. It testified to the 'effect of context', namely a ideological matching between advertiser and media.
