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Abstract

Public safety depends on a strong rule of law, efficient governance, and a capable military. Without these elements, trust erodes, and economic growth suffers. Despite its critical role in national security, research on political trust in the military, especially in democracies like Taiwan, is limited. Taiwan faces a unique security challenge from China, making trust in its military indispensable for deterrence and domestic stability. The 2022 Chinese military drills intensified tensions, underscoring the need for robust public trust to support defense policies and maintain civilian control over the military. This study explores the factors influencing public trust in the Taiwanese military in light of these recent developments. Statistical evidence suggests that four key factors play a role: public safety, the China threat, government trust, and democratic governance. Understanding these dynamics is crucial for formulating policies that bolster national security and public confidence in the military.

Abstract

Taiwan's democratization has directly challenged the KMT's auth-oritarian political regime and induced polarized national indentity con-frontation. This phenomena has become a major force in party politics in Taiwan. This paper has adopted the suvery datd as a result of a special research project commissioned by National Science Com-mission in 1994 to be reference of analysis. It is carried out on the basis of independence v.s. unification attitude of the constituency, comparing several recent suvery data distribution on the independence v.s. unification issue, and analyzing social basis of independence v.s. unification attitude, eithnic identuty, suport for political party, politi-cal trust, orientation of democratic values, and participation in elec-tion etc. as well as the relations between these variables and indepen-dence v.s. unification attitude, so as to ascertain whether independence v.s. unification issue being the key variable in the process of Taiwan's political democratization.

Abstract

Two major parties in Taiwan,KMT and DPP,have implementedpublic opinion survey as the formal mechanism for their candidate selections.The employment of public opinion survey in the process of candidate selection is based on two hypotheses:(1)the usage of opinion surveymay narrow down the gap between the”party will”and the”public opinion”,(2)the usage of opinion survey may reduce the influence of”nominalparty members”.This paper examines the candidate selection process ofDPP in 1998 Legislative Yuan Election,and demonstrates that none ofthe hypotheses above are true.Moreover,when the public opinion surveywas applied for the candidate selection,the most important function ofthe political party will be shrunk.

Abstract

On December 1, 2002, more than 62 percent of eligible voters in Taiwan went to the polls to vote for the 225 members of Legislative Yuan and 23 county magistrates and city mayors. It was the first major election after the DPP's victory in the 2000 presidential election, and given the fact that there had been a stalemate between the DPP government and the KMT-controlled Legislative Yuan since then, the new Legislative Yuan election was of particular significance for Taiwan's political development. The purpose of this study is to examine the relationships between voters' media use, perceptions of media negativism and their political trust. The results showed that as compared with voters' trust toward Legislative Yuan and Justice system, Taiwan voters thought President Chen is most trustworthy. And political external efficacy became an important predictive variable in explaining why voters trust President, Legislative Yuan and Justice system. Media variables, including media use and the perceptions of media negativism did not show any significance in predicting voters' political trust. And those voters who claimed they are the supporters of Pan-Blue camp showed high degree of trust toward KMT and PFP while voters identified themselves as Pan-Green camp showed higher degree of political trust toward DPP and TSU.

Abstract

In this paper, we employ longitudinal data to explore the change and continuity of political trust among the electorate in Taiwan. After the 2000 presidential election, whether the distribution of political trust will follow the rotation of ruling power is our research interest. We also would like to explore which factors affect people's political trust, and how political trust might affect people's voting behavior. By employing 1992, 1995, 1998, and 2001 face-to face interviews after legislative elections, we are able to explore the change and continuity of people's political trust in Taiwan. From our findings, we showed that the distribution of people's political trust declined during 1992 and 1998. However, as the 2001 survey data showed, people's political trust rebounded after the 2000 presidential election. Among factors affected people's political trust, people's partisan preference toward the KMT, voters among the first generation, people with elementary school education were more likely to have higher level of political trust between 1992 and 1998. However, people with the DPP or the NP partisan preference were more likely to have lower level of political trust. After the 2000 presidential election, people with the DPP partisan preference changed their level of political trust, and became more likely to trust the ruling authorities. We also demonstrated that people with higher level of political trust were more likely to support the ruling party in the legislative elections.

Abstract

The democratic value of the people has key influence on the quality of democracy in a country, the level of political trust of the people also influences the legitimacy of the regime. This article focuses on the democratic value and political trust of Taiwanese people, placing emphasis on the changing pattern before and after the alternation of power. We first look at the attitude changes in these issues over time, then examine the factors influencing the attitude changes before and after the alternation of power. We found there is still room for improvements on these political attitudes. Taiwanese people's democratic values ranking from high to low by order are principles of equality, political participation, freedom, check and balance, and diversity. After the alternation of power, eight out of ten principles showed a tendency of deterioration. On political trust, people's trust level from high to low by order are 'consider people's welfare, 'trust toward leaders,' 'ablitity on planning,' 'making the right decision,' 'wasting tax money,' 'integrity of politicians.' After the alternation of power, there are increased trust on the policy making dimension, but decreased trust on both credibility and integrity dimensions. On factors influencing these attitudes changes, ethnic background played only limited role but partisanship has a rather large influence, especially on the political trust level. Finally, we discuss the problem of validity of these questionnaires.

Abstract

The purpose of this article is to discuss whether the evaluation of economic condition in electorate influences the voting choice. The election in Taiwan, with the bad economic condition, do the economic voting exist? When the electorate evaluate that the economic performance is bad, will they punish the ruling party by their votes? We will discuss the relation between the evaluation of economic conditions and voting choices, attributive theory and the heterogeneity of economic voting. From the discovery of this article, there is obvious difference between personal and national evaluation of economic conditions and voting choices. In the multinomial voting model, the economic evaluation that affects the voting choices is not the main factor. Therefore, by using attributive theory and sample choosing, I find some electorate who has the economic voting character. But in the testing of the heterogeneity of economic voting, political trust and the national economic evaluation don't exist the interaction. The effect of economic evaluation to the voting decision doesn't be affected by political trust. We can know that there is heterogeneity in the economic voting of Taiwan electorate. However, what kind of variable causes the effect is the main continuous issue.