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Abstract

Past literature suggests that the Single Non-Transferable Vote (SNTV) electoral system used in multi-member districts places great emphasis on selecting candidates over parties. However, given the diverse and interrelated attributes of local politicians, this study uses county councilor elections as an example and employs online surveys combined with conjoint experimental design to effectively distinguish which personal attributes are more important to voters when choosing among candidates. On the other hand, while the positive partisanship represented by party identification still has explanatory power, the impact of “negative partisanship” on voting choices has recently received considerable attention. Therefore, when making voting choices, the interactive effect of whether voters have negative partisanship and what their personal preferences for candidates are is the focus of this study.
This study found that the preferred personal attributes of local representatives in the minds of most Taiwanese voters are younger age, political experience, no involvement in corruption, local residency, and higher education. However, the study also found that negative partisanship still makes most voters sensitive to the party label of local representatives, rather than just voting based on preferred personal attributes. Some voters may even vote for candidates deemed corrupt. Additionally, among voters with no specific party preference, the proportion of those who dislike the pan-green camp is higher than those who dislike the pan-blue camp, which should be a warning for the current ruling party. This study provides inspiration for the nomination strategies of political parties in local elections. By understanding the expectations of different party-affiliated groups, parties can put forward candidates who cater to the preferences of the public, which can promote more active participation of the public in local elections.

Abstract

Prior to the 1995 Legislative elections, the only party which could equalize the vote was the KMT. Because KMT could reduce the cost of winning a seat, it was always overrepresented. Although the opposition parties did not have strong grass-root organizations, they still looked for other ways to equalize the vote to prevent underrepresentation. In the 1995 elections, the New Party (NP) used a new method (forced vote distribution) to equalize their vote in Taipei City, Taipei County and Taoyuan County. This method enabled 12 of their 14 candidates to win. Why was the NP able to use forced vote distribution in the election? Did all nominees in a particular district winning seats mean the forced vote distribution had been effective? In this paper, I discuss the policy making procedure and the factors that influence the effect of the forced vote distribution. Finally, I give some advice to the parties that will use this campaign strategy in the future.

Abstract

The choice of electoral system is one of the most important parliamentary reforms for Taiwan's democracy. The at large system of the Legislative Yuan (Li-fa-yuan) and the National Assembly (Kuo-min-ta-hui) since 1992 is found to have numerous deficiencies, both for the nation and for individual political parties, that there is a growing pressure to have the system reformed. In this paper, the author will examine what's wrong with the implementation of the at large system in the Legislative Yuan, what problems the system has caused, and the proposals for reform and the difficulties encountered.Because the consequences of different PR systems for parliamentaryrepresentation are not merely influenced by the ”type” of PR system used but also by a number of other technical-related issues concerning the design of the PR system, the author will detail the important impact of the at large system for the parliamentary representation of political parties in the Legislative Yuan. In addition, relevant technical issues such as district magnitude, the thresholds, apparentement, or closed lists) are examined.

Abstract

There are reasons to believe that both partisan and personal factors should be important in the voting decision in SNTV elections, but this has not been rigorously tested in previous literature. This paper presents evidence that both types of factors have significant impacts, but partisan factors are much more powerful than personal factors. In general, partisan factors dominate the candidate vote choice, and personal factors serve primarily as tiebreakers among candidates from the same party. Moreover, the importance that voters place on personal factors varies in different partisan contexts, and there is generally a partisan logic to these varying weights.Methodologically, this paper proposes mixed logit as an appropriate tool for modeling voting choices in SNTV and examines data from the five legislative elections in Taiwan from 1992 to 2004.