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Abstract

If China adopts economic, diplomatic, and military strategies toward Taiwan, do these strategies explain the differences in Taiwanese people’s image of China? Do these effects vary across different periods? Using “Image Theory” as the theoretical framework, we explore whether China’s provision of economic benefits, allowance of Taiwan’s diplomatic activities without restrictions, and removal of missiles targeting Taiwan contribute to the more favorable attitude of China among the Taiwanese public and subsequently shape their image of China. We further examine whether these policies had differing effects during the relatively positive cross-strait relations in 2014 compared to the strained relations in 2021. This study utilizes the 2014 and 2021 nationwide telephone surveys of Image of China and the “Ordered Logit Model” to analyze the correlations between the three policies and the image of China. Empirical findings reveal that in both years, individuals who felt more favorable toward China due to its provision of more significant economic benefits were also more likely to hold a positive image of China. However, China’s lack of restrictions on Taiwan’s diplomatic activities and removal of missiles targeting Taiwan failed to have any effect. The results suggest that offering economic benefits best explains the differences in Taiwanese people’s image of China. We conclude that because China has previously provided Taiwan with economic benefits, crossstrait economic ties remain challenging to decouple. Furthermore, under the premise of unification, economic benefits are the most feasible concession China can offer Taiwan, as it is unlikely to ease its diplomatic containment or military threats. Hence, economic benefits best explain the differences in Taiwanese perceptions of China.

Abstract

It is believed that almost every Town's District Committee of Mediation in Taiwan is dominated by local factions and the committee members are the important figures within their factions. In this research, based on the assumption that the Committee members are convenient to access political, social and economic interests, we hypothesize that in Taipei County the more powerful a local political faction is the more intervention it has toward the District Committee of Mediation. Therefore, we use 3 models to examine the relationship between local political factions and the District Committee of Mediation by statistic datum, such as the amounts of mediation cases, the successful rate of mediation and soon. However, through depth interviews to 8 committee members and 3 clergies in different Towns of Taipei County which provides not only the quantitative explanations but the qualitative analysis for this research. The author expects that students of Taiwan's local political factions research will have mo0re refined models contributed by this paper to duplicate further studies.