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Abstract

The bitter rivalries that used to occur only among political elites have now reached the everyday lives of the mass public. In particular, the results of presidential elections have been driven as much by affective conflict between partisans as by policy debates. The present study explores affective polarization in Taiwan through negative partisanship. Data from presidential elections between 2004 and 2020 provide evidence for the effect of negative partisanship on election results. The study found that starting in 2012, there has been a rapid increase in negative views among partisans in both main parties toward the opposing party. In the 2020 presidential election, more than 40% of both Kuomintang (KMT) and Democratic Progressive Party (DPP) supporters showed negative partisanship towards the opposing party. Furthermore, supporters of both parties had the lowest ever favorability scores for the opposing party. Even when traditional party identification and support for independence or reunification are controlled, negative partisanship still has significant explanatory power. The decision to vote for a candidate from a particular party in presidential elections depends not only on one’s long-term identification with that party but also on whether one harbors a strong negative opinion towards the opposing party.

Abstract

As democracy backsliding has come to the fore in recent years, authoritarian nostalgia has also stood out as an emerging topic in democratization studies. Since nostalgia is inherently an emotion, this study differs from the existing literature that treated authoritarian nostalgia merely as a political attitude. Instead, we reinterpret authoritarian nostalgia by regarding the fundamentals of nostalgia in psychology, emphasizing three qualities of authoritarian nostalgia, which are “idealized,” “time-unrestrictive,” and “constructive.” In addition, we select two sets of national telephone surveys in 2015 and 2023 to conduct empirical analysis. First, we find that the Taiwanese public shows greater authoritarian nostalgia in social stability and economic performance than in the aspect of political and human rights. Second, the results reveal that age, political efficacy, and party identification exert an influence on authoritarian nostalgia; older people and those with low political efficacy display a tendency towards such nostalgia.
Moreover, Pan-Blue supporters are more likely to feel authoritarian nostalgia under a Democratic Progressive Party (DPP) government, while Pan-Green supporters, by contrast, believe that the present ruling government usually outperforms its past and authoritarian counterpart, accentuating the importance of party politics in Taiwanese authoritarian nostalgia. Finally, we propose an innovative survey questionnaire to tap the concept of authoritarian nostalgia, hoping to pave the way for further research in this field.

Abstract

Past literature suggests that the Single Non-Transferable Vote (SNTV) electoral system used in multi-member districts places great emphasis on selecting candidates over parties. However, given the diverse and interrelated attributes of local politicians, this study uses county councilor elections as an example and employs online surveys combined with conjoint experimental design to effectively distinguish which personal attributes are more important to voters when choosing among candidates. On the other hand, while the positive partisanship represented by party identification still has explanatory power, the impact of “negative partisanship” on voting choices has recently received considerable attention. Therefore, when making voting choices, the interactive effect of whether voters have negative partisanship and what their personal preferences for candidates are is the focus of this study.
This study found that the preferred personal attributes of local representatives in the minds of most Taiwanese voters are younger age, political experience, no involvement in corruption, local residency, and higher education. However, the study also found that negative partisanship still makes most voters sensitive to the party label of local representatives, rather than just voting based on preferred personal attributes. Some voters may even vote for candidates deemed corrupt. Additionally, among voters with no specific party preference, the proportion of those who dislike the pan-green camp is higher than those who dislike the pan-blue camp, which should be a warning for the current ruling party. This study provides inspiration for the nomination strategies of political parties in local elections. By understanding the expectations of different party-affiliated groups, parties can put forward candidates who cater to the preferences of the public, which can promote more active participation of the public in local elections.