In both Han and Indigenous electoral constituencies, the proportion of women elected to city and county councils has shown a steady upward trend. While female candidates from both groups encounter comparable challenges during their campaigns, significant differences remain. This exploratory study seeks to identify and analyze the key factors that influence Indigenous women’s candidacies in local council elections. Drawing on qualitative data collected through indepth interviews, this paper focuses on the recruitment processes of Indigenous female candidates, the structural and cultural barriers and opportunities encountered
during electoral campaigns, and the candidates’ perspectives on women’s participation in the political sphere. Findings indicate that, in contrast to the female reserved seat system implemented in Han constituencies, the effectiveness of such mechanisms in Indigenous districts is relatively constrained, functioning primarily as an incentive for candidacy rather than a guarantee of representation. Although traditional customs may limit female candidates’ participation in certain ceremonial or cultural activities, the decreasing resistance from clan structures has opened up greater space for women to engage in electoral politics. Notably, candidates who secure support from their clan networks are more likely to achieve electoral success. Electoral mobilisation in Indigenous constituencies tends to rely on an outreach strategy, involving face-to-face engagement with individual voters. Religious institutions, particularly churches, serve as critical venues for campaign activities. However, non-Christian candidates may find their outreach capacities restricted due to limited access to these communal platforms. Furthermore, proficiency in Indigenous languages has been found to enhance candidates’ ability to broaden their support base among voters.
Overall, the dynamics of clan and tribal politics significantly shape the distinctive features of Indigenous elections, underscoring the structural divergences from electoral practices observed in Han constituencies.

This explorative study employs a large-scale analysis of individual turnout data from the 2016 and 2020 presidential and legislative elections, alongside the 2018 local elections and referenda in Taiwan, to advance our understanding of Indigenous voting behaviour in three ways. Firstly, we challenge the conventional wisdom that Indigenous voters exhibit lower turnout rates compared to the non-Indigenous electorate. Secondly, we further compare turnout differences among Highland and Lowland voters. Lastly, we analyse turnout variations across different types of ballots: national and local elections and referendum
bills. Contrary to prevailing international and domestic norms, we provide strong empirical evidence that Indigenous voters are diverse and dynamic in their voting behaviours, and this diversity extends not only in comparison to the Han voters but also within the Indigenous population, interacting with the different types of elections.

“Running for an office while holding another position” is common in Taiwanese elections, where incumbent politicians often engage in another campaign before the end of their term, aiming for higher-level political positions. This phenomenon has been discussed in several elections, sparking much debate during the campaigns. There are numerous studies focusing on the political promotion from the perspective of candidates, such as the promotion opportunities within the political structure and candidate campaign strategies. However, there are few studies that approach the issue from the perspective of voters, exploring how voters perceive the behavior of candidates who “run for office while holding another position.” This study selects three legislative elections from 2012 to 2020 as the observation targets and employs an experimental method of “conjoint analysis” through an online survey to analyze whether voters accept the behavior of politicians seeking upward promotion under different conditions. The results indicate that although the public generally holds negative views toward “running for office while holding another position,” it becomes an advantageous condition for candidates when considering various backgrounds of candidates. Compared to candidates without incumbent positions, respondents still prefer candidates with incumbent legislative status. This suggests that although “running for office while holding another position” is negative label to candidates, it still represents that candidates possess a certain level of political experience. The positive effects of latter outweigh the negative effects of the former for voters.