Since the 1990s, many countries have adopted various quota systems to promote higher levels of women’s political representation. International research confirm that such quota systems have had a positive impact on increasing women’s political participation. In Taiwan, studies on women’s political participation also shown that reserved seats for women have significantly boosted their involvement in politics. However, few existing studies have specifically focused on the political participation of indigenous women. The election results from 2002 to 2018 indicate a growing number of indigenous women running for and being elected to office. But what factors explain this increase in political participation? Is it the reserved seats for women system, political dynamics, or the background characteristics of the candidates that play the key role in encouraging indigenous women's involvement in politics? This paper analyzes data from local councilor elections between 2002 and 2018 and finds that most female candidates have prior experience in community involvement or political-related activities. Additionally, KMT nomination or recommendation, as well as incumbent status, significantly contribute to the election chances and vote share of indigenous female candidates. This paper analyzes the data of local councilor elections from 2002 to 2018, and finds that most of the female candidates have experience in community involvement or political-related experiences. KMT nomination or recommendation, as well as incumbent status, contribute to the election chances and vote share of indigenous female candidates, which aligns with existing research on women councilors at the national and municipal levels. The impact of the reserved seats for women system is reflected in its role in motivating participation. In line with previous findings on ethnic voting patterns, a candidate’s ethnicity is also significantly associated with their election chances and vote share, with Amis, Paiwan, and Atayal ethnic background positively influencing electoral performance. Lastly, female characteristics and breaking gender stereotypes through effective political performance help improve the election outcomes for indigenous female candidates.

Recently, political scholars have examined the rise of minor parties through the lens of campaign strategies. However, researchers have yet to explore how minor parties garner voter support through political advertisements. Furthermore, scholars know less about how voters with different party preferences within similar political ideologies respond to minor party advertisements. Focusing on political advertisements of minor parties, this study examines the impact of prevalent emotional appeals (enthusiasm, pride, anger, hope, anxiety, and fear) in political ads on the party attitudes and voting intentions of voters with different party preferences. It integrates the affective intelligence theory and the emotional valence dimension (positive vs. negative) from the emotional dimension theory. With a one-factor-between-subjects experimental design, it manipulated the New Power Party’s (NPP) political ads to test the effectiveness of emotional appeals. The experimental results reveal that when voters’ party preferences are consistent with the advertised party (i.e., NPP supporters viewing NPP advertisements), the emotional appeals of enthusiasm and pride under the disposition system lead to more favorable party attitudes and voting intentions. Conversely, when voters’ party preferences are inconsistent with the advertised party (i.e., Democratic Progressive Party supporters viewing NPP advertisements), the emotional appeals of hope and anxiety under the surveillance system yield better effects. In contrast, the emotional appeals of hope and fear under the surveillance system are more effective for voters with no specific party preference. It fulfills the research gap in affective intelligence theory and broadens relevant theories of minor parties’ political marketing and emotional appeals. It also provides practical recommendations on how minor parties can design political advertisements.

This study attempts to unravel mnemonic manipulation in electioneering. The results of the 2018 nine-in-one election in Taiwan can be explained by the “Han tide” and its spillover effects, and so this study aims to decipher the emergence of the Han tide using a memory-studies approach. While admitting that other social factors played a role in the formation of the Han tide, this study suggests that four elements were found in Han’s electioneering: (re)defining the present as negative and (re)directing attention to the future, switching the commemorative focus from politics to economics, encouraging people to forget the political past and embrace the economic future, and employing an awakening narrative to evoke change. Moreover, four additional aspects were observed in the Han tide: canceling the challenges of counter-narratives by redirecting people’s attention, solving the issue of lacking a shared past with Kaohsiung City, downplaying and/or editing “out” the negative aspects of “our side,” and degrading the mnemonic framing and nostalgic capital of the Democratic Progressive Party. Although scholars of memory studies have shed light on politics in memory, this study argues that memory in politics should also be emphasized by investigating more empirical cases.